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The Marxist Roots of Democrat Obstructionism
Commentary by Greg Lewis / NewMediaJournal.US
February 13, 2006
Much has been written recently about the fact that
Democrats, arguably with malicious intent, mercilessly attack Republican
positions, programs, and political appointees without offering any positive
alternatives of their own. This has been ascribed variously to their hatred
of George W. Bush (which is certainly a factor), to the fact that a significant
percentage of the Democrat base and their elected representatives are
unrepentant '60s-style liberals (this, too, plays into the current scenario),
even, as Michael Medved has put it, to "an internal contradiction
deep within the liberal soul."
The bottom line is that, no matter
how we might characterize it, Congressional Democrats blatant use
of obstructionist tactics the very ones that cost Tom Daschle his
job shows no signs of going away. While all of the above-mentioned
factors to some degree enter into the portrait of a Dem obstructionist,
in fact Democrat obstructionism represents a contemporary manifestation
of early theorizing by hardcore communist thinkers.
What Democrats are practicing today
is nothing less than what was known among communist intellectuals during
the 1920s and '30s and beyond as "critical theory of society."
After the establishment in 1917 of
the Russian Soviet state, it had been anticipated by communist intellectuals
that, if Marxist theory was correct, workers in other countries would,
in sympathy with the Russian proletarian revolution, rise
up spontaneously against their "oppressors" and that communism
which was seen by Karl Marx as superceding capitalism to become
the final stage in societal evolution would spread almost automatically
throughout the world.
This, of course, did not happen.
In the face of resounding defeats of communists violent attempts
to expand their influence into Hungary, Germany, and Finland in the aftermath
of World War I, it became incumbent on true believers to refine Marxist
theory to account for differences between the outcomes predicted by Marx
and those which had actually occurred.
The failure of the post-WWI spread
of communist ideology led, in no small part, to the formation of what
amounted to Marxist "think tanks," among the most important
and influential of which was the Institute for Social Research, established
in the early 1920s in Frankfurt, Germany. The analysis done by the members
of the Frankfurt School (as the Institute came to be known) largely assumed
as its intellectual foundation Marx's view of history, Historical (or
Dialectical) Materialism. Among the prominent members of the Frankfurt
School were two people, Erich Fromm and Herbert Marcuse, whose work, because
of the great popularity their subsequent writings enjoyed among American
college students, would have a strong influence on the politics and the
collective psyche of the Left in the United States during the 1960s and
beyond.
Marxist socialism was seen by the
members of the Frankfurt School to be the only form of government which
could enable the ultimate realization of human potential, and this view
was perpetuated by Fromm and Marcuse both of whom, fearing persecution
at the hands of the Nazis, relocated to the United States in the 1930s
throughout their American academic careers. Nor did these Marxist
theorists hesitate to make clear what stood in their way: Western culture,
particularly capitalism, was the sworn enemy of the emancipation of the
individual, which could be accomplished only through the implementation
of a society based on Marxian principles.
The preferred analytical tool of
thinkers associated with the Frankfurt School was known formally as "Critical
Theory of Society." The stated aim of Critical Theory was to identify
and describe obstacles that blocked the way to the ideal non-repressive
(read Marxist) society. It is important to note that criticism
was and is to this day among many leftist Democrats, including
Teddy Kennedy, Nancy Pelosi, and Harry Reid, to name a few implicitly
seen as the only legitimate method of societal analysis, thus the theory's
name. To posit a constructive alternative to the status quo would be,
according to this way of thinking, to prescribe what should
be, and such prescription was (and remains today among those on the left)
to be avoided at all costs.
In other words, to put Critical Theory
into practice, all one needs to do is . . . well, criticize. Carp. Gainsay.
Denigrate. Find fault.
Among Leftists in the United States
during the 1960s, Critical Theory often found expression in reductive
chants, including the blunt mantra of anti-war zealots of the decade representing
their position with regard to the Vietnam war, "Hell no, we won't
go!" Indeed, Marcuse himself is credited (perhaps apocryphally) with
coining the phrase Make love not war, another of the emblematic
slogans that still are trotted out to define the Leftist mentality of
that era.
Critical Theory was to become
thanks particularly to the writings of Marcuse, who morphed into something
of an icon for American academic radicals of the 1960s one of the
cornerstones of the Left's tactical and strategic approaches during that
decade. Indeed, the idea that one should only criticize the opposition,
while proposing no constructive alternatives to replace what was being
criticized, continues to characterize the methodology of left/liberals
to this day.
We have only to recall California
Senator Barbara Boxer's recent relentless pummeling of Condoleezza Rice
during the latter's confirmation hearings to become Secretary of State
to come up with a contemporary example of Marxist critical theory in action.
I have combed the transcripts of Boxer's and Rice's exchanges, and I can
find not a single utterance on the part of the liberal Left-Coast Senator
that even remotely resembles a constructive alternative to the strategies
of the Bush administration which she sought so venomously to denigrate.
In true adherence to one of the fundamental
components of the Marxist approach to bringing down western capitalism,
Ms. Boxer confined herself to launching only the most derogatory and destructive
attacks on Dr. Rice and the policies of the administration of which she
(Dr. Rice) is an important member.
Of course, Ms. Boxers Critical-Theory
bedfellow, Teddy Kennedy, has also broadly employed this Marxist technique
for undermining what is, as events in Iraq unfold, gradually playing out
as the successful U.S. (and, by extension, notwithstanding French and
German recalcitrance, western democratic) approach to combating Islamist
terrorists who rely on the perpetration of the most heinous, murderous
tactics against their own people in their attempts to regain power. Disregarding
(and in the process implicitly approving of) the tyrannical and murderously
inhuman nature of the adversary our country has chosen to wage war against
in the Middle East, Senator Kennedy has recently categorically called
for U.S. forces to quit the struggle against the very enemy that caused
the deaths of some 3,000 American citizens through an attack carried out
on our own soil.
Kennedys position, which amounts
to nothing more than a raising of the white flag of surrender to militant
Islamists, would seem to be based solely on the Democrat Senator from
Massachusetts angry and irrational rejection of the Bush administrations
policies. Kennedy, in the tradition of the Marxists whose tactics he employs,
offers not even the hint of an exit strategy or an alternative means to
combat the Islamist terrorist threat that faces every western-style democracy
on the planet.
By undermining our countrys
military engagement in Iraq of the Islamist terrorists that threaten the
very world order today, by disingenuously failing even to admit the possibility
that our seeking to establish a foothold for democracy in the Middle East
is arguably a legitimate means to insure Americas future security,
Kennedy is implicitly, even as he follows in the footsteps of the enemies
of freedom and democracy whose methodology he employs, allying himself
with forces at large in the world today that would destroy western capitalism
and subjugate all free people to the murderous reign of a global Islamist
thugocracy.
But that's about what you might expect
from leftist political operatives such as Boxer and Kennedy who by their
tactics implicitly ascribe to the time-honored Marxist techniques espoused
in Critical Theory. Indeed, Democrats current obstructionism represents
nothing less than the employment, in a new historical context, of Marxist
methodology based on principles enunciated by communist enemies of freedom
and democracy some three quarters of a century ago.
The fact is that the war we are waging in Iraq against the forces of Islamist
terrorism is one that we can win, nay that we are destined to win. In
order to win the fight, though, we must recognize that, not only are we
struggling against Islamist terrorists in the Middle East, we are also
struggling against the subversive tactics of political operatives of the
Marxist Left as manifested in the Democratic Party in America today.
As their relentless efforts to undermine
the policies and principles that form the foundation of our nations
democratic institutions demonstrate, leftist Democrats, while apparently
having much more to lose than their equally anti-democratic, anti-capitalist
Islamist terrorist counterparts, nonetheless seek the same end: the destruction
of western democratic capitalism.
It is against all the forces that
seek to subvert the ideals of freedom and democracy, in our own country
and around the world, that we are waging war. If the tactics of the political
left in the United States are subtler and less easily identifiable than
those of the Islamists whom they, by their tacit support of the ultimate
goal of weakening western capitalist democracy, support, it is nonetheless
incumbent on us to recognize that, where they would obstruct policies
and practices that shore up the freedom and security of Americas
citizens, liberal Democrats are no less dangerous to the freedom that
we continue to enjoy than are Islamist terrorists.
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